LIberal Mark Lilla has a book out, The Once and Future Liberal, an expansion of a New York Times article "The End of Identity Liberalism" from last November. He gives a flavor of the book in The Wall Street Journal: "The Liberal Crackup."
But the WSJ article rather shows just how Mark Lilla doesn't get it.
He writes that
Has any of that stuff been repealed? Reagan may have "pictured a more individualistic" America, but it sure did nothing to roll back the power and the force of government. And Obama cinched the wrench another notch with Obamacare.
Here's another whopper.
For half a century before 1965 liberals practiced class identity politics, advocating for the workers and damning business owners and capitalists to hell and back again. In doing so they divided workers from owners very effectively, and loaded up the workers with swingeing taxes on their labor by pretending that the taxes were really paid by management.
Then, with the civil rights acts of the 1960s liberals changed horses. They dumped the working class as narrow and bigoted, and cranked up their race and sex identity politics. Nothing has changed. Liberals are still ruthlessly dividing America and telling each other that their divisive politics is bending the arc of history towards justice.
But, and here Lilla starts to make sense, the liberal identity politics started to migrate from just dividing people in a normal political way to being a personal identity politics.
And because liberalism is a secular religion, the daily practice of politics becomes the daily practice of what it means to be a good or, as they say, "ethical" person. Thus people that do not practice the faith are bad people and their utterances are stigmatized as "hate speech" and they are expelled (or rather excommunicated} from the secular religious community.
The problem with this has been played out on the big screen of the two most monstrous political regimes in all history, the Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China, and immortalized in the work of George Orwell. When secular religion is welded together with government you get a situation in which disagreement with the ruling-class's secular ideology becomes identical with opposition to the government. Sinners are also traitors.
Meanwhile Mark Lilla longs for "classic liberal ideas like citizenship, solidarity, and the common good" that the new generation of leftists have lost.
But Lilla does not understand that citizenship cannot survive when every citizen is fenced around with detailed and intrusive regulations. Solidarity is not solidarity when it is compelled, and the ciiizen is reduced to the status of an army draftee. The common good is not common unless people are free to disagree and negotiate, without fear of humiliation from the local activist, about the nature and the composition of the common good.
My Three Peoples theory makes this obvious truth implicit in its view of society. Clearly, the folks in the middle, the People of the Responsible Self, are the citizens who, by their relative independence and responsibility, can come into the public square and debate questions of common concern without looking behind them to worry about what their boss or the local political bully might do to them. But the People of the Subordinate Self are not yet citizens: they are still subjects. They do not have the relative independence that allows them the space to disagree with their betters. They know that their job is to support their political or economic patron as part of his rank-and-file political army. And they do.
Then there are the People of the Creative Self. Their culture is the culture of "expressive individualism." But for too many of them, the only way of expressing themselves is in political activism, and advocating for some government program or regulation. But this means that their individual creativity can only express itself by dividing people into us and them, because Politics is Division, and by forcing their world view on other people, because Government is Force.
So my political agenda comes naturally out of my view of the Three Peoples. For the People of the Subordinate Self, we should encourage the development of the bourgeois ethos, as recently suggested by Dr. Amy Wax to universal horror. When you acquire the bourgeois ethos of individual responsibiiity then you become a citizen, enrolled in a sense of national solidarity, with an interest in developing and negotiating a notion of the common good.
For the People of the Responsible Self we encourage the notion of the creative ethos, going beyond the simple agenda of following the rules, going to work, and obeying the law. And we encourage a gentle kindness toward the People of the Subordinate Self that only know that they are oppressed and exploited by their "betters."
For the People of the Creative Self we discourage the temptation in the practice of creativity to imagine that you are a god. Creativity is in fact a very dangerous thing, and the chances are that your own individual effort at creation will turn out to be a disaster -- just like most business startups and most political revolutions. So the one really important thing for People of the Creative Self is humility, to think about the possibility that the Grand Creative Plan might end up a Grand Creative Disaster and that millions of people might suffer and die in the aftermath.
When we ventilate these ideas two thoughts seem to come forth. The first is that liberals are idiots that know nothing, because they are pompous ruling-class functionaries that don't get out much. The other is that if there really is to be a revolution of the deplorables, liberals like Mark Lilla will be the last to know, and probably not realize what is happening until it is too late.
But the WSJ article rather shows just how Mark Lilla doesn't get it.
He writes that
Ronald Reagan almost single-handedly destroyed the New Deal vision of America that used to guide us. Franklin Roosevelt had pictured a place where citizens were joined in a collective enterprise to build a strong nation and protect each other. The watchwords of that effort were solidarity, opportunity and public duty. Reagan pictured a more individualistic America where everyone would flourish once freed from the shackles of the state, and so the watchwords became self-reliance and small government.Oh really. I'd say that Mark Lilla has a profoundly fantastical notion of life, the universe and everything. The point of the New Deal was a massive increase in government force. More taxes, more spending. More compulsion. You want a job? You pay into the government's Social Security program. You work under the shadow of labor laws that make a mockery of "employment at will." And in the 1960s the Democrats ratcheted up another big notch with Medicare and welfare expansion. Some solidarity; some opportunity; lots of public duty, as in taxes and subordination to government experts.
Has any of that stuff been repealed? Reagan may have "pictured a more individualistic" America, but it sure did nothing to roll back the power and the force of government. And Obama cinched the wrench another notch with Obamacare.
Here's another whopper.
To meet the Reagan challenge, we liberals needed to develop an ambitious new vision of America and its future... Instead we got tangled up in the divisive zero-sum world of identity politics, losing a sense of what binds us together as a nation.This is why I insist on the catchphrase: Politics is Division. Liberals have always practiced identity politics as the highest and noblest form of politics, because their politics advocated for the poor and the marginalized. So to say that anything changed after Reagan is to be willfully blind.
For half a century before 1965 liberals practiced class identity politics, advocating for the workers and damning business owners and capitalists to hell and back again. In doing so they divided workers from owners very effectively, and loaded up the workers with swingeing taxes on their labor by pretending that the taxes were really paid by management.
Then, with the civil rights acts of the 1960s liberals changed horses. They dumped the working class as narrow and bigoted, and cranked up their race and sex identity politics. Nothing has changed. Liberals are still ruthlessly dividing America and telling each other that their divisive politics is bending the arc of history towards justice.
But, and here Lilla starts to make sense, the liberal identity politics started to migrate from just dividing people in a normal political way to being a personal identity politics.
[Liberals] wanted their political engagements to mirror how they understood and defined themselves as individuals. And they wanted their self-definition to be recognized.Well, yes. This is why I call liberals "People of the Creative Self" in my reductive Three Peoples theory. Liberals believe that the meaning of life, the universe and everything is found in what liberal philosopher Charles Taylor calls "expressive individualism," the personal expression of beliefs and creativity in the public square. Thus liberal politics becomes less about what we are forcing the American people to do with our government programs and regulations, but more about what the whole thing means to me, the liberal in question.
And because liberalism is a secular religion, the daily practice of politics becomes the daily practice of what it means to be a good or, as they say, "ethical" person. Thus people that do not practice the faith are bad people and their utterances are stigmatized as "hate speech" and they are expelled (or rather excommunicated} from the secular religious community.
The problem with this has been played out on the big screen of the two most monstrous political regimes in all history, the Soviet Union and the Peoples Republic of China, and immortalized in the work of George Orwell. When secular religion is welded together with government you get a situation in which disagreement with the ruling-class's secular ideology becomes identical with opposition to the government. Sinners are also traitors.
Meanwhile Mark Lilla longs for "classic liberal ideas like citizenship, solidarity, and the common good" that the new generation of leftists have lost.
But Lilla does not understand that citizenship cannot survive when every citizen is fenced around with detailed and intrusive regulations. Solidarity is not solidarity when it is compelled, and the ciiizen is reduced to the status of an army draftee. The common good is not common unless people are free to disagree and negotiate, without fear of humiliation from the local activist, about the nature and the composition of the common good.
My Three Peoples theory makes this obvious truth implicit in its view of society. Clearly, the folks in the middle, the People of the Responsible Self, are the citizens who, by their relative independence and responsibility, can come into the public square and debate questions of common concern without looking behind them to worry about what their boss or the local political bully might do to them. But the People of the Subordinate Self are not yet citizens: they are still subjects. They do not have the relative independence that allows them the space to disagree with their betters. They know that their job is to support their political or economic patron as part of his rank-and-file political army. And they do.
Then there are the People of the Creative Self. Their culture is the culture of "expressive individualism." But for too many of them, the only way of expressing themselves is in political activism, and advocating for some government program or regulation. But this means that their individual creativity can only express itself by dividing people into us and them, because Politics is Division, and by forcing their world view on other people, because Government is Force.
So my political agenda comes naturally out of my view of the Three Peoples. For the People of the Subordinate Self, we should encourage the development of the bourgeois ethos, as recently suggested by Dr. Amy Wax to universal horror. When you acquire the bourgeois ethos of individual responsibiiity then you become a citizen, enrolled in a sense of national solidarity, with an interest in developing and negotiating a notion of the common good.
For the People of the Responsible Self we encourage the notion of the creative ethos, going beyond the simple agenda of following the rules, going to work, and obeying the law. And we encourage a gentle kindness toward the People of the Subordinate Self that only know that they are oppressed and exploited by their "betters."
For the People of the Creative Self we discourage the temptation in the practice of creativity to imagine that you are a god. Creativity is in fact a very dangerous thing, and the chances are that your own individual effort at creation will turn out to be a disaster -- just like most business startups and most political revolutions. So the one really important thing for People of the Creative Self is humility, to think about the possibility that the Grand Creative Plan might end up a Grand Creative Disaster and that millions of people might suffer and die in the aftermath.
When we ventilate these ideas two thoughts seem to come forth. The first is that liberals are idiots that know nothing, because they are pompous ruling-class functionaries that don't get out much. The other is that if there really is to be a revolution of the deplorables, liberals like Mark Lilla will be the last to know, and probably not realize what is happening until it is too late.