I was looking at a long thumb-sucker at Weekly Standard about identity politics: "The Primal Scream of Identity Politics," by Mary Eberstadt.
I was thinking how to write about it and shine my sharp light upon the question of identity politics when my attention was drawn to another, similar thumb-sucker at Clarement Review of Books, "The Democrats' Dilemma" by William Voegeli.
I realized that, for people like you and me, there is something scandalous about identity politics. That, of course, is because we are live-and-let-live middle-class people that are pretty comfortable with the Bourgeois Deal: work hard, be responsible, obey the law. We really don't want to enlist in anyone's political army, let alone an identity-politics army.
But politics is always identity politics. Let us take Britain, which I know best. You can say that in the Plantagenet era, politics was about whacking the French in the Hundred Years War. Were you for or against the king's just claims in the north and the west of France. Then in the War of the Roses, it was whose side were you on: the Yorkists or the Lancastrians.
Once you get into the Elizabethan era we start to get into religious identity politics. Protestant vs. Catholic, and this religious conflict went right on until 1688 when the Dutch invaded Britland and modified the politics to fight the French and their Catholic religion. Now we enter the age of patriotism: are you for or against the nation?
Then, after the Battle of Waterloo, the music changed. Politics became about class identity. Luddites had already been breaking machines; then there was a worker rising in Scotland in 1820 and the Tolpuddle Martyrs in 1832. Politics started to become a question of for-or-against the workers, and we started to experience the modern division, in which the intellectuals side with the workers against the middle class. This class identity politics continued for over a century until 2000, after which, in Britain, the division became between the middle class and a coalition of intellectuals and immigrants. The white working class "white van man" started to move away from the Labour Party.
I am saying that there is nothing remarkable or scandalous about this. Politics is division, and people will divide according to some divisive principle: court intrigue, class, religion, race, nation, whatever.
In the United States, since 1933, there was clearly a class politics, with the intellectual elite bidding to lead the workers against the middle class, and providing the intellectual power to use political power to load up the workers with various economic benefits, from pensions to health care to labor union privileges, all to be paid for by the middle class and the rich. That was what the New Deal Democrats were all about.
But the music stopped in the Sixties, when the intellectual elite, basking in the glow of the Civil Rights Acts, decided to make politics about race and gender identity rather than class identity. Now politics was no longer about whether you were for or against the workers; it was whether you were for or against women and minorities.
But nobody thought about what would happen to the workers with this new political alignment. We do now.
In her piece on identity politics Mary Eberhardt notes how the leaders of race and gender identity politics are becoming more and more strident. Eight years after America elected its First Black President Salon executive editor Andrew O’Hehir writes about Trump as America's First White President, "the first president defined by whiteness, the first whose glaring and overwhelming whiteness is a salient issue that lies at the core of his appeal."
OK, fine. But wouldn't the white working class, after being abandoned and humiliated by the intellectual class, find some other means of connecting into the political system? And since we are now in an era of race identity rather than class identity, wouldn't they eventually get with the program, with the New Thing of race identity?
In his identity politics piece, William Voegeli goes heavily into the fact, popularized by Charles Murray, that the intellectual class done pretty well for itself out of its political leadership, economically and status-wise. And he notes the white electoral divide.
It is comical to see the hysteria on the left with regard to race and gender.
Notice how conveniently my reductive Three Peoples theory explains all this. If there are three peoples then it is natural that in politics the three will divide up into two against one, and the politics of the last 200 years has been about the intellectual elite People of the Creative Self, the 18 percent with graduate degrees, enjoying life as professionals working at Dickens' Circumlocution Office to back the People of the Subordinate Self against the People of the Responsible Self.
For some reason, though, the People of the Creative Self can't bring themselves to represent the whole of the People of the Subordinate Self. They have to play favorites. This I do not understand.
I have frequently affirmed the fundamental injustice of the intellectual elite's program, which was to enroll the People of the Subordinate Self in their political army with promises of loot and plunder and lifetime employment and pensions, and then abandon them when they were no longer any use. And this is doubly wrong because in the Great Enrichment, people don't really need to organize in political armies; economic growth just falls into our laps if we allow the innovators to innovate.
And what were their erstwhile political soldiers to do, when they had been taught to repose on their benefices and not keep themselves up to scratch in the skills needed in the ever-changing economy, and the economy changed, and it was no longer possible to sit life out as a unionized manufacturing worker with a union pension?
Obviously, the era of race-and-gender politics is reaching what the Brits call its sell-by date. But don't worry, we will find another way to divide and keep tempers and emotions high.
If nothing else, this is because men have a culture of insult, and like to insult people to their face; women have a culture of complaint, and like to complain to their friends about other friends who are conveniently not present. Why change when we are all having so much fun?
I was thinking how to write about it and shine my sharp light upon the question of identity politics when my attention was drawn to another, similar thumb-sucker at Clarement Review of Books, "The Democrats' Dilemma" by William Voegeli.
I realized that, for people like you and me, there is something scandalous about identity politics. That, of course, is because we are live-and-let-live middle-class people that are pretty comfortable with the Bourgeois Deal: work hard, be responsible, obey the law. We really don't want to enlist in anyone's political army, let alone an identity-politics army.
But politics is always identity politics. Let us take Britain, which I know best. You can say that in the Plantagenet era, politics was about whacking the French in the Hundred Years War. Were you for or against the king's just claims in the north and the west of France. Then in the War of the Roses, it was whose side were you on: the Yorkists or the Lancastrians.
Once you get into the Elizabethan era we start to get into religious identity politics. Protestant vs. Catholic, and this religious conflict went right on until 1688 when the Dutch invaded Britland and modified the politics to fight the French and their Catholic religion. Now we enter the age of patriotism: are you for or against the nation?
Then, after the Battle of Waterloo, the music changed. Politics became about class identity. Luddites had already been breaking machines; then there was a worker rising in Scotland in 1820 and the Tolpuddle Martyrs in 1832. Politics started to become a question of for-or-against the workers, and we started to experience the modern division, in which the intellectuals side with the workers against the middle class. This class identity politics continued for over a century until 2000, after which, in Britain, the division became between the middle class and a coalition of intellectuals and immigrants. The white working class "white van man" started to move away from the Labour Party.
I am saying that there is nothing remarkable or scandalous about this. Politics is division, and people will divide according to some divisive principle: court intrigue, class, religion, race, nation, whatever.
In the United States, since 1933, there was clearly a class politics, with the intellectual elite bidding to lead the workers against the middle class, and providing the intellectual power to use political power to load up the workers with various economic benefits, from pensions to health care to labor union privileges, all to be paid for by the middle class and the rich. That was what the New Deal Democrats were all about.
But the music stopped in the Sixties, when the intellectual elite, basking in the glow of the Civil Rights Acts, decided to make politics about race and gender identity rather than class identity. Now politics was no longer about whether you were for or against the workers; it was whether you were for or against women and minorities.
But nobody thought about what would happen to the workers with this new political alignment. We do now.
In her piece on identity politics Mary Eberhardt notes how the leaders of race and gender identity politics are becoming more and more strident. Eight years after America elected its First Black President Salon executive editor Andrew O’Hehir writes about Trump as America's First White President, "the first president defined by whiteness, the first whose glaring and overwhelming whiteness is a salient issue that lies at the core of his appeal."
OK, fine. But wouldn't the white working class, after being abandoned and humiliated by the intellectual class, find some other means of connecting into the political system? And since we are now in an era of race identity rather than class identity, wouldn't they eventually get with the program, with the New Thing of race identity?
In his identity politics piece, William Voegeli goes heavily into the fact, popularized by Charles Murray, that the intellectual class done pretty well for itself out of its political leadership, economically and status-wise. And he notes the white electoral divide.
According to CNN, voters of all races with a postgraduate education accounted for 18% of the 2016 electorate, and favored Clinton by a margin of 58% to 37%.The white working class, by the way, hates the credentialed managerial elite. It "resents professionals" because its interaction with the educated elite mainly consists of "being bossed around, second-guessed, and condescended to."
It is comical to see the hysteria on the left with regard to race and gender.
Slate’s L.V. Anderson spoke for many upper-quintile Democrats when she stated that Trump’s victory caused white liberals to "see our unjust, racist, sexist country for what it is."Translation: Oh boy, our race and gender identity politics is starting to look like a loser. Oh no!
Notice how conveniently my reductive Three Peoples theory explains all this. If there are three peoples then it is natural that in politics the three will divide up into two against one, and the politics of the last 200 years has been about the intellectual elite People of the Creative Self, the 18 percent with graduate degrees, enjoying life as professionals working at Dickens' Circumlocution Office to back the People of the Subordinate Self against the People of the Responsible Self.
For some reason, though, the People of the Creative Self can't bring themselves to represent the whole of the People of the Subordinate Self. They have to play favorites. This I do not understand.
I have frequently affirmed the fundamental injustice of the intellectual elite's program, which was to enroll the People of the Subordinate Self in their political army with promises of loot and plunder and lifetime employment and pensions, and then abandon them when they were no longer any use. And this is doubly wrong because in the Great Enrichment, people don't really need to organize in political armies; economic growth just falls into our laps if we allow the innovators to innovate.
And what were their erstwhile political soldiers to do, when they had been taught to repose on their benefices and not keep themselves up to scratch in the skills needed in the ever-changing economy, and the economy changed, and it was no longer possible to sit life out as a unionized manufacturing worker with a union pension?
Obviously, the era of race-and-gender politics is reaching what the Brits call its sell-by date. But don't worry, we will find another way to divide and keep tempers and emotions high.
If nothing else, this is because men have a culture of insult, and like to insult people to their face; women have a culture of complaint, and like to complain to their friends about other friends who are conveniently not present. Why change when we are all having so much fun?